(NAME-MCE) Films about Genocide, Films about Hegemony

[PAUL LISA WEINBAUM]

I'd like to recommend "The Last Conquistador" by John Valadez and Cristina Ibarra which aired on POV (on PBS) this past July. www.thelastconquistador.com The film illustrates how those with power control the propagandizing and mythologizing of history through public art at the expense of the disenfranchised.  More specifically, the film depicts how the city of El Paso memorialized Spanish conquistador Don Juan Onate with the world's tallest bronze equestrian statue (now at the airport) despite his atrocities which include severing feet, slavery, and genocide of Native American people.  The documentary is well worth the 35$.
 
Lisa M. Weinbaum
Las Cruces Public Schools
Las Cruces, New Mexico> From: name-mce-request at nameorg.org> Subject: Name-mce Digest, Vol 888, Issue 1> To: name-mce at nameorg.org> Date: Fri, 29 Aug 2008 07:26:39 -0400> > Send Name-mce mailing list submissions to> name-mce at nameorg.org> > To subscribe or unsubscribe via the World Wide Web, visit> http://mail.nameorg.org/mailman/listinfo/name-mce_nameorg.org> or, via email, send a message with subject or body 'help' to> name-mce-request at nameorg.org> > You can reach the person managing the list at> name-mce-owner at nameorg.org> > When replying, please edit your Subject line so it is more specific> than "Re: Contents of Name-mce digest..."> > > Today's Topics:> > 1. RSCT] Films about Genocide? Films about Hegemony?> (Sheryl Sacharoff)> 2. LPGA Says Learn English or No Golf (Anselmo Villanueva)> 3. We Shall Overcome (Bill Howe)> 4. Director of Education Program - University of Washington> Tacoma (academic at u.washington.edu)> 5. New Report Calls to End Beating of Children in Public> Schools (Anselmo Villanueva)> > > ----------------------------------------------------------------------> > Message: 1> Date: Thu, 28 Aug 2008 12:46:34 -0400> From: "Sheryl Sacharoff" <ssacharoff at cfl.rr.com>> Subject: (NAME-MCE) RSCT] Films about Genocide? Films about Hegemony?> To: <name-mce at nameorg.org>, <mcp at edchange.org>> Message-ID: <8B2DF2B0C15949B4B9F99980287BF14E at ssacharoffPC>> Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1"> > Hi Paul,> I used to teach a course enitled Facing History and Ourselves. Their Website is www.facinghistory.org and they have a wealth of resources on genocide.> Sheryl Sacharoff> > ------------------------------> > Message: 2> Date: Thu, 28 Aug 2008 10:03:37 -0700> From: "Anselmo Villanueva" <anselmo.villanueva at gmail.com>> Subject: (NAME-MCE) LPGA Says Learn English or No Golf> To: name-mce at nameorg.org> Message-ID:> <88024d6b0808281003k4b7737a9j2c365205425d66ba at mail.gmail.com>> Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1> > --------- Forwarded message ----------> From: Erik Sorensen, CAUSA Communications <erik at causaoregon.org>> Date: Thu, Aug 28, 2008 at 9:52 AM> Subject: LPGA Says Learn English or No Golf> > LPGA could be bringing on a discrimination lawsuit> > BY PATRICK WHITTLE> > patrick.whittle at newsday.com> > August 28, 2008> > Civil rights and Asian-American groups said yesterday an LPGA decision> to require golfers to speak English is insulting and possibly illegal.> > Several national news outlets reported that the reaction in the pro> golf community was more mixed, with some questioning the language> policy and others saying foreign-born players would benefit from> learning English.> > But Donna Lieberman, executive director of the New York Civil> Liberties Union, said the LPGA could open itself up to a> discrimination lawsuit if it bars golfers from participating because> of their national origin.> > The language policy is expected to most affect the LPGA's 45 South> Korean members. There are 121 international players from 26 countries> on the tour. "If they are targeting people based on language when> language is not essential to the job at hand, which is playing golf,> then it is discrimination," Lieberman said.> > Many South Korean players, including Hall of Famer Se Ri Pak,> acknowledge there is a problem on the tour and support the language> policy, according to reports. The LPGA has told players who have been> members for two years that they could face suspension if they do not> become competent in English by next year.> > Richard Konda, executive director of the San Jose, Calif.-based Asian> Law Alliance, said the policy is "troubling" given golf's checkered> history on race relations. He also said the LPGA could be guilty of> discrimination on the basis of national origin.> > The Washington, D.C.-based Asian-American Justice Center called on the> LPGA to retract the policy, which it called "tantamount to national> origin discrimination." Konda added: "They should be very careful in> terms of enacting a thing like this because it seems to me that they> are going backwards instead of forwards."> > http://www.newsday.com/services/newspaper/printedition/sports/ny-ligolf285819379aug28,0,346140.story> > --> > Erik Sorensen> Comunications & Research> CAUSA> 1460 Capitol St NE> Salem OR 97301> 503.488.0263> erik at causaoregon.org> www.causaoregon.org> www.causaoregon.blogspot.com> > > > ------------------------------> > Message: 3> Date: Thu, 28 Aug 2008 15:09:43 -0400> From: "Bill Howe" <bill at billhowe.org>> Subject: (NAME-MCE) We Shall Overcome> To: "***NAME-MCE" <Name-mce at nameorg.org>> Message-ID: <26AA82389AF7409BB7598195390AC894 at multicul6c1705>> Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"> > Article from the New York Times, August 28, 2008> > August 28, 2008> Op-Ed Contributor> Johnson's Dream, Obama's Speech> By ROBERT A. CARO> > AS I watch Barack Obama's speech to the Democratic convention tonight, I > will be remembering another speech: the one that made Martin Luther King > cry. And I will be thinking: Mr. Obama's speech - and in a way his whole > candidacy - might not have been possible had that other speech not been > given.> > That speech was President Lyndon Johnson's address to Congress in 1965 > announcing that he was about to introduce a voting rights act, and in some > respects Mr. Obama's candidacy is the climax - at least thus far - of a > movement based not only on the sacrifices and heroism of the Rev. Dr. King > and generations of black fighters for civil rights but also on the political> > genius of Lyndon Baines Johnson, who as it happens was born 100 years ago > yesterday.> > When, on the night of March 15, 1965, the long motorcade drove away from the> > White House, heading for Capitol Hill, where President Johnson would give > his speech to a joint session of Congress, pickets were standing outside the> > gates, as they had been for weeks, and as the presidential limousine passed,> > they were singing the same song that was being sung that week in Selma, > Ala.: "We Shall Overcome." They were singing it in defiance of Johnson, > because they didn't trust him.> > They had reasons not to trust him.> > In March 1965, black Americans in the 11 Southern states were still largely > unable to vote. When they tried to register, they faced not only questions > impossible to answer - like the infamous "how many bubbles in a bar of > soap?" - but also the humiliation of trying to answer them in front of > registrars who didn't bother to conceal their scorn. Out of six million > blacks old enough to vote in those 11 states in 1965, only a small > percentage - 27 percent in Georgia, 19 percent in Alabama, 6 percent in > Mississippi - were registered.> > What's more, those who were registered faced not only beatings and worse but> > economic retaliation as well if they tried to actually cast a ballot. Black > men who registered might be told by their employer that they no longer had a> > job; black farmers who went to the bank to renew their annual "crop loan" > were turned down, and lost their farms. Some, as I have written, "had to > load their wives and children into their rundown cars and drive away, > sometimes with no place to go." So the number of black men and women in the > South who actually cast a vote was far smaller than the number registered; > in no way were black Americans realizing their political potential.> > More important, many civil rights leaders felt that President Johnson wasn't> > helping them nearly as much as he could have - and that in fact he never > had. He had passed a civil rights bill in 1964, but it hadn't been a voting > rights bill.> > And they remembered his record, a long record. It was not merely that during> > his first 20 years, 1937 through 1956, in the House and Senate, he had voted> > against every civil rights bill - even bills aimed at ending lynching.> > Leaders of the civil rights movement who had watched their bills die, year > after year, in Congress - not a single civil rights bill had been enacted > since 1870 - knew that Johnson had been not merely a voter but a strategist > against civil rights, a tactician so successful that Richard Russell of > Georgia, the leader of the Senate's mighty "Southern caucus," had raised him> > to power in the Senate, had, in fact, made him his anointed successor as the> > South's legislative leader, the young hope of the elderly Southern senators > in their desperate battle to maintain racial segregation.> > In 1956, by which time Lyndon Johnson was majority leader, he devised and > carried out the strategy that had not only crushed a civil rights bill in > the Senate by a majority greater than ever before, but had done so in a way > that humiliated, in a particularly vicious manner, the liberal senator who > refused to bow to his wishes, Paul Douglas of Illinois.> > In 1957 he had engineered the passage of a civil rights bill. The mere fact > of its passage in the face of Southern senatorial power - it was the first > civil rights bill to be enacted in 87 years - made it a significant > benchmark in the history of American government, and the guile and > determination with which Johnson drove it to passage made it a landmark of > legislative mastery as well. But he was forced to weaken it to get it > through, and liberals, not understanding the obstacles he had surmounted, > blamed him for not making it stronger.> > Some civil rights leaders who had been talking to Lyndon Johnson since he > became president were now, by the spring of 1965, convinced of his good > faith, but most were not, and the mass of the movement, symbolized by those > protesters outside the White House gates, still distrusted him.> > .> > Men and women who knew Lyndon Johnson, however, felt there was another > element to the story. They included the Mexican-American children of > impoverished migrant workers he had taught as a 21-year-old schoolteacher in> > the little town of Cotulla, Tex.; to the ends of their lives they would talk> > about how hard he had worked to teach and inspire them. "He used to tell us > this country was so free that anyone could become president who was willing > to work hard enough," one student said.> > Others remember what one calls the story about the "little baby in the > cradle." As one student recalled, "He would tell us that one day we might > say the baby would be a teacher. Maybe the next day we'd say the baby would > be a doctor. And one day we might say the baby - any baby - might grow up to> > be president of the United States."> > His former students weren't alone. Men and women at Georgetown dinner tables> > were also convinced of the sincerity of Johnson's intentions. "I remember at> > this dinner party, Johnson talking about teaching the Mexican-American kids > in Cotulla, and his frustration that they had no books," recalls Bethine > Church, the wife of Senator Frank Church of Idaho. "I remember it as one of > the most passionate evenings I've ever spent."> > These men and women felt Johnson truly wanted to help poor people and > particularly people of color, and that he was held back only by his > ambition: his desire to be president, and because he was a senator from a > Southern state. But when, in 1957, ambition and compassion were finally > pointing in the same direction - when he realized that he would never become> > president unless he removed the "magnolia scent" of the South - he set out > to pass a civil rights bill, he did it with a passion that showed how deeply> > he believed in what he was doing.> > The bill he got was the weak one, and civil rights leaders blamed him > because the advances it made were meager. Only a week before the March 1965 > speech, Dr. King had said that at the rate voter registration was going, it > would take 135 years before even half the blacks in Mississippi were > registered. And as the limousines were pulling through the gates that night > in March, the protesters were singing "We Shall Overcome," as if to tell > Lyndon Johnson, we'll do it without you.> > But they didn't have to.> > When Johnson stepped to the lectern on Capitol Hill that night, he adopted > the great anthem of the civil rights movement as his own.> > "Even if we pass this bill," he said, "the battle will not be over. What > happened in Selma is part of a far larger movement which reaches into every > section and state of America. It is the effort of American Negroes to secure> > for themselves the full blessings of American life."> > And, Lyndon Johnson said, "Their cause must be our cause, too. Because it is> > not just Negroes, but really it is all of us, who must overcome the > crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice."> > He paused, and then he said, "And we shall overcome."> > Martin Luther King was watching the speech at the home of a family in Selma > with some of his aides, none of whom had ever, during all the hard years, > seen Dr. King cry. But Lyndon Johnson said, "We shall overcome" - and they > saw him cry then.> > And there was another indication of the power of that speech. When the > motorcade returned to the White House, the protesters were gone.> > .> > Another significant moment had occurred in the Capitol after the speech, as > Johnson was coming down the aisle accepting congratulations.> > It wasn't just congratulations he wanted. One of the congressmen on the > aisle was Emanuel Celler, the 76-year-old chairman of the House Judiciary > Committee, which handled civil rights legislation. Long a rights champion > but now an elderly man, Celler said he would start hearings on the bill the > following week, but "I can't push that committee or it might get out of > hand."> > Suddenly, Johnson wasn't smiling. His eyes narrowed and his face turned > cold. He was still shaking Celler's hand, but with his other hand he was > jabbing at the old man. "Start them this week, Manny," he said. "And hold > night sessions, too."> > Celler did. The heroism of the march at Selma, the heroism all across the > South, the almost unbelievable bravery of black men and women - and > children, so many children - who marched, and were beaten, and marched > again, for the right to vote, created the rising tide of national feeling > behind the passage of civil rights legislation, the legislation not only of > 1965 but of 1964 and 1957. That feeling did so much to make the legislation > possible. It has taken me scores of pages in my books to try to describe > that heroism, and all of them inadequate. But it also took Lyndon Johnson, > whom the black leader James Farmer, sitting in the Oval Office, heard > "cajoling, threatening, everything else, whatever was necessary" to get the > 1965 bill passed and who, with his legislative genius and savage will, > broke, piece by piece, in 1957 and 1964 and 1965, the long unbreakable power> > of the Southern bloc.> > "Abraham Lincoln struck off the chains of black Americans," I have written, > "but it was Lyndon Johnson who led them into voting booths, closed> democracy's > sacred curtain behind them, placed their hands upon the lever that gave them> > a hold on their own destiny, made them, at last and forever, a true part of > American political life."> > LOOK what has been wrought! Forty-three years ago, a mere blink in history's> > eye, many black Americans were unable to vote. Tonight, a black American > ascends a stage as nominee for president. "Just give Negroes the vote and > many of these problems will get better," Lyndon Johnson said. "Just give > them the vote," and they can do the rest for themselves.> > All during this long primary campaign, after reading, first thing every > morning, newspaper articles about Barack Obama's campaign for the > presidency, I would turn, as part of the research for my next book, to > newspaper articles from 1965 about Lyndon Johnson's campaign to win for > black people the right to vote.> > And I would think about Johnson's great speech, when he adopted the rallying> > cry of black protest as his own, when he joined his voice to the voices of > all the men and women who had sung the mighty hymn of the civil rights > movement. Martin Luther King cried when he heard that speech. Since I am not> > black, I cannot know - cannot even imagine - Dr. King's feelings. I know > mine, however. To me, Barack Obama is the inheritor of Lyndon Johnson's > civil rights legacy. As I sit listening to Mr. Obama tonight, I will be > hearing other words as well. I will be hearing Lyndon Johnson saying, "We > shall overcome."> > Robert A. Caro, who has won Pulitzer Prizes for his biographies of Robert > Moses and Lyndon Johnson, is at work on the fourth and final volume of his > Johnson biography.> > Note: Lyndon Johnson's speech has been cited as one of the greatest speeches> ever given. Read it in its entirety at> http://www.historyplace.com/speeches/johnson.htm. read other inspiring works> on the NAME website at www.nameorg.org <http://www.nameorg.org/> . look> under RESOURCES, under "Speeches." .. Bill> > > > Bill Howe> http://www.billhowe.org <http://www.billhowe.org/> > http://www.multiculturaldimensions.org> <http://www.multiculturaldimensions.org/> > http://apaact.com/> http://www.necme.org <http://www.necme.org/> > > > > > ------------------------------> > Message: 4> Date: Thu, 28 Aug 2008 12:17:24 -0700 (PDT)> From: academic at u.washington.edu> Subject: (NAME-MCE) Director of Education Program - University of> Washington Tacoma> To: name-mce at nameorg.org> Message-ID:> <Pine.LNX.4.43.0808281217240.30152 at hymn33.u.washington.edu>> Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=UTF-8; format=flowed> > The University of Washington Tacoma (UWT) Education Program invites applications for the position of Director of the Education Program. The UWT Education Program offers Teacher Certification with a Master of Education, a Master of Education for practicing educators, and an Educational Administrator Program. Our mission is to prepare ethical and reflective educators who transform learning, contribute to the community, exemplify professionalism, and promote equity and diversity.> > One of three campuses of the University of Washington, UWT is forging its own identity as a metropolitan university that shares the University of Washington?s commitment to high quality teaching and research and is committed to participating in the educational, cultural, and economic development of the South Puget Sound. Located largely in renovated buildings in Tacoma?s downtown warehouse district, UWT serves a diverse population of South Puget Sound students. In the fall of 2006, UWT admitted its first cohort of freshmen. For more information about UWT and the Education Program, see our website at http://www.tacoma.washington.edu/.> > Qualifications> Applicants must be eligible for appointment at the rank of Professor and provide evidence of active research and scholarship commensurate with rank, excellence in teaching, and appropriate service. Essential qualifications for Director include demonstrated skill and experience in leadership and collaboration, experience with program review, promotion of equity and diversity in program development, and effectiveness with program management. We expect that the successful candidate will also have accomplishments in more than one of the following areas: leadership in higher education, curriculum development, development of successful partnerships with P-12 schools and community outreach, program assessment, grant oversight, and budget experience.> > Responsibilities> The Director participates in the campus-wide decision-making and community outreach typical of a Dean, while also providing the leadership typical of a Department Chair. The Director reports directly to the Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs at UW Tacoma. Responsibilities include planning and allocating program resources, working with complex budgets and grant oversight, collaborating with faculty in program and curriculum development, leading partnerships with P-12 schools and community organizations, assisting faculty with preparation for program reviews, and representing the institution with external groups.> > Application> Applicants should submit a statement discussing the applicant?s fit with the qualifications and responsibilities outlined above, a curriculum vitae, and names and contact information for five references. Screening of applicants will begin October 15, 2008 and continue until the position is filled. Questions may be addressed to Search Committee Chair, Nita McKinley, Associate Director of Interdisciplinary Arts & Sciences at nmmckin at u.washington.edu.> Submit materials electronically to academic at u.washington.edu.> > Appointment> The position is available July 1, 2009. Salary and benefits are competitive and commensurate with credentials.> > The University of Washington is building a culturally diverse faculty and strongly encourages racial and ethnic minorities and persons with disabilities to apply. University of Washington Tacoma faculty engage in teaching, research and service and are expected to participate in the core curriculum.> > This position is contingent upon available funding.> > > > > > > ------------------------------> > Message: 5> Date: Thu, 28 Aug 2008 17:40:35 -0700> From: "Anselmo Villanueva" <anselmo.villanueva at gmail.com>> Subject: (NAME-MCE) New Report Calls to End Beating of Children in> Public Schools> To: name-mce at nameorg.org> Message-ID:> <88024d6b0808281740t578e8848qf185f71b2b2d80fd at mail.gmail.com>> Content-Type: text/plain; charset=WINDOWS-1252> > To read the American Civil Liberties Union and Human Rights Watch report, "A> Violent Education: Corporal Punishment of Children in U.S. Public Schools,"> please visit: www.aclu.org/intlhumanrights/gen/36476res20080819.html> *> New Report Calls to End Beating of Children in Public Schools *> > > *Read the report, A Violent Education: Corporal Punishment of Children in> U.S. Public Schools.*<http://action.aclu.org/site/R?i=8jgOOKHy1sk0bN13W2q_qg..>> > > A shocking report illuminates the state of disturbing forms of discipline in> U.S. schools. Released last week by the ACLU and Human Rights Watch, the> report finds that more than 200,000 public school students in the U.S. were> punished by beatings during the 2006-2007 school year. Further, minorities> and students with mental and physical disabilities are punished at> disproportionately higher rates in the 13 states that corporally punished> more than 1,000 students per year -- despite no evidence that these students> commit disciplinary infraction at such disproportionate rates.> > The report, *A Violent Education: Corporal Punishment of Children in U.S.> Public Schools*, found that children ranging in age from 3 to 19 years old> in Texas and Mississippi are routinely physically punished for minor> infractions such as chewing gum, talking back to a teacher, or violating the> dress code, as well as for more serious transgressions such as fighting.> > Corporal punishment, legal in 21 states, typically takes the form of> "paddling," during which an administrator or teacher hits a child repeatedly> on the buttocks with a long wooden board. The report shows that, as a result> of paddling, many children are left injured, degraded, and disengaged from> school.> > "Every public school needs effective methods of discipline, but beating kids> teaches violence and it doesn't stop bad behavior," said Alice Farmer, Aryeh> Neier Fellow at Human Rights Watch and the ACLU, and author of the report.> "Corporal punishment discourages learning, fails to deter future misbehavior> and at times even provokes it."> > The ACLU and Human Rights Watch call upon the U.S. government to prohibit> corporal punishment in all public schools and urge state governments, school> boards, superintendents, and administrators to eliminate physical punishment> in their schools.> > > > http://www.aclu.org/intlhumanrights/gen/36478prs20080820.html> > U.S.: End Beating of Children in Public Schools (8/20/2008)> > *Abusive, Discriminatory Punishment Undermines Education*> > FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE> CONTACT: hrwpress at hrw.org <hrwpress at hrworg> or media at aclu.org> > DALLAS ? More than 200,000 US public school students were punished by> beatings during the 2006-2007 school year, Human Rights Watch and the> American Civil Liberties Union said in a joint report released today. In the> 13 states that corporally punished more than 1,000 students per year,> African-American girls were twice as likely to be beaten as their white> counterparts.> > In the 125-page report, "A Violent Education: Corporal Punishment of> Children in U.S. Public Schools," the ACLU and Human Rights Watch found that> in Texas and Mississippi children ranging in age from 3 to 19 years old are> routinely physically punished for minor infractions such as chewing gum,> talking back to a teacher, or violating the dress code, as well as for more> serious transgressions such as fighting. Corporal punishment, legal in 21> states, typically takes the form of "paddling," during which an> administrator or teacher hits a child repeatedly on the buttocks with a long> wooden board. The report shows that, as a result of paddling, many children> are left injured, degraded, and disengaged from school.> > "Every public school needs effective methods of discipline, but beating kids> teaches violence and it doesn't stop bad behavior," said Alice Farmer, Aryeh> Neier Fellow at Human Rights Watch and the ACLU, and author of the report.> "Corporal punishment discourages learning, fails to deter future misbehavior> and at times even provokes it."> > The report found that in the 13 southern states where corporal punishment is> most prevalent, African-American students are punished at 1.4 times the rate> that would be expected given their numbers in the student population, and> African-American girls are 2.1 times more likely to be paddled than might be> expected. There is no evidence that these students commit disciplinary> infractions at disproportionate rates.> > "Minority students in public schools already face barriers to success," said> Farmer. "By exposing these children to disproportionate rates of corporal> punishment, schools create a hostile environment in which these students may> struggle even more."> > Students with mental and physical disabilities are also punished at> disproportionate rates, with potentially serious consequences for their> development. In Texas, for instance, 18.4 percent of the total number of> students who were physically punished were special education students, even> though they make up only 10.7 percent of the student population.> > "A Violent Education" is based on four weeks of on-the-ground research in> Mississippi and Texas in late 2007 and early 2008, including more than 175> interviews with children, teachers, parents, administrators,> superintendents, and school board members.> > The report documents several cases in which children were beaten to the> point of serious injury. Since educators who beat children have immunity> under law from assault proceedings, parents who try to pursue justice for> injured children encounter resistance from police, district attorneys, and> courts. Parents also face enormous, sometimes insurmountable, obstacles in> trying to prevent physical punishment of their children. While some school> districts permit parents to sign forms opting out of corporal punishment for> their children, the forms are often ignored.> > In the report, the ACLU and Human Rights Watch cite experts on best> practices in school discipline, who emphasize traditional approaches such as> detention, and modern approaches such as positive behavior support systems.> Positive behavior support systems, which are school-wide discipline systems> that stress a clear structure of rewards and consequences for student> behavior, have been effectively implemented in major U.S. school systems.> States and school boards that fail to implement best practices allow the> status quo, or school beatings, to remain in place.> > Human Rights Watch and the ACLU call upon the U.S. government to prohibit> corporal punishment in all public schools and urge state governments, school> boards, superintendents, and administrators to eliminate physical punishment> in their schools.> > Selected Witness Accounts:> > "He took me into the office and gave me three licks. ? He made me hold onto> the wall and he paddled me. ? It hurt for about two hours, it felt like fire> under my butt."> ? Matthew S., who was paddled in second grade for throwing food in a school> cafeteria in the Mississippi Delta.> > "The other kids were watching and laughing. It made me want to fight them?> When you get a paddling and you see everyone laugh at you, it make you mad> and you want to do something about it."> ? Peter S., a middle school student in the Mississippi Delta.> > "What made me so angry: he's three years old, he was petrified. He didn't> want to go back to school, and he didn't want to start his new school. I was> so worried that this was going to constantly be with him, equating going to> school with being paddled."> ? Rose T., mother of a 3-year-old boy in Texas who was bruised from physical> punishment after he refused to stop playing with his shoes in class.> > "I went into the principal's office. ? He gave me a chair and said hold onto> the chair. The paddle had holes in it. Then he just did three swats. ? I was> hit on my buttocks. ? There were holes in the paddle to make it go faster. ?> It hurt very much. There were definitely red marks and then swelling? almost> welt-like markings. It didn't last for more than a couple days. ? It left me> feeling very humiliated. I think there were several levels of emotion.> Physical pain, mental humiliation. ? And being a female at that age, it was> like there was this older man hitting me on the butt. That's weird? even at> that age I knew it was inappropriate."> ? Allison G., a recent graduate punished as a teenager in Texas for being> late to class multiple times.> > "I've heard this said at my school and at other schools: 'This child should> get less whips, it'll leave marks.' Students that are dark-skinned, it takes> more to let their skin be bruised. Even with all black students, there is an> imbalance: darker-skinned students get worse punishment."> ? Account of Abrea T., former teacher in rural Mississippi.> > "I see corporal punishment as a form of slavery. Beating on the slaves was> how the headman got them to do something? we're focused so much on making> kids do what we want. Think about the mental capacity that this kind of> treatment leaves our children with. We are telling them we don't respect> them. They leave that principal's office and they think, 'they don't> consider me a human being.' That young person loses self-respect."> ? Account from Doreen W., school board member in a Mississippi Delta town.> > To read the American Civil Liberties Union and Human Rights Watch report, "A> Violent Education: Corporal Punishment of Children in U.S. Public Schools,"> please visit: www.aclu.org/intlhumanrights/gen/36476res20080819.html> > > ------------------------------> > _______________________________________________> This is a mailing of the National Association for Multicultural Education -> (NAME) Listserv. The materials included reflect diverse perspectives of NAME Listserv participants and do not necessarily reflect a position of the National Association for Multicultural Education. If you would like to subscribe (or unsubscribe) to this listserv go to http://mail.nameorg.org/mailman/listinfo/name-mce_nameorg.org. You can read all past postings in the archives at http://mail.nameorg.org/pipermail/name-mce_nameorg.org/> > > Name-mce mailing list> Name-mce at nameorg.org> http://mail.nameorg.org/mailman/listinfo/name-mce_nameorg.org> > > End of Name-mce Digest, Vol 888, Issue 1> ****************************************